Glamour kills coupons june 2019

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By Ben Taub. Thousands of men and boys have been convicted of ISIS affiliation, and hundreds have been hanged. But these cases make up only a small fraction of the detainees. Thousands of families have been sent to camps in the desert, cast out from society. A September morning in Baghdad. Traffic halted at checkpoints and roadblocks as bureaucrats filed behind blast walls and the temperature climbed to a hundred and fifteen degrees.

At the Central Criminal Court, a guard ran his baton along the bars of a small cell holding dozens of terrorism suspects awaiting trial. They were crammed on a wooden bench and on the floor, a sweaty tangle of limbs and dejected expressions. Many were sick or injured—covered in scabies, their joints twisted and their bones cracked. Iraqi prisons have a uniform code—different colors for pretrial suspects, convicts, and those on death row—but several who had not yet seen a judge or a lawyer were already dressed as if they had been sentenced to death.

Most were staring at their phones; others sat in silence, arms crossed, eyes closed. In terrorism cases, lawyers are usually denied access to their clients until the hearing begins. Suhail Abdullah Sahar, a bald, middle-aged man with a thin, jowly face, sat in the center. There were twenty-one cases on his docket that day, sixteen related to terrorism. He quietly read out a name; a security officer shouted it down the hall to one of his colleagues, who shouted it to the guard, who shouted it into the cell.

Out came a young man named Ahmed. A security officer led him to a wooden cage in the middle of the courtroom. Ahmed had no lawyer, and so Sahar called upon an elderly state attorney named Hussein, who was seated in the gallery, to spontaneously craft a defense. The next suspect insisted that he had been arrested by mistake—that his name was similar to that of someone in ISIS. A private defense lawyer explained that his client had confessed to ISIS affiliation under torture—he had a medical examination to prove it—but none of the judges appeared to be listening.

As the lawyer spoke, they cracked jokes, signed documents, and beckoned their assistants to collect folders from the bench. Sahar yawned. The trial lasted eight minutes. The third suspect was a twenty-three-year-old from a village near Mosul, charged with ISIS affiliation and arrested while in a displaced-persons camp. Last year, Iraqi courts issued arrest warrants for at least fifteen defense lawyers and charged them with ISIS affiliation.

But, as the lawyer spoke, the judges tended to administrative tasks. The trial was over in nine minutes. By noon, Sahar had presided over ten trials, involving twenty suspects. The courtroom lost power twice, but Sahar kept going in the dark, skimming documents by the light of his cell phone. The final case before lunch involved three defendants, all badly injured. As they limped into the courtroom, a security officer put three plastic chairs in the cage. The last suspect to appear was a bald, bespectacled man in his mid-thirties, named Louai; he was hunched over a pair of short wooden crutches, and moved as if one of his legs were paralyzed and his vertebrae were no longer aligned.

Courtroom 2 was silent, except for the sounds of him struggling toward the cage. The widows of ISIS fighters often have to flee their towns, for fear of retribution. They end up in camps, where many are harassed and raped by armed men. Sahar questioned the other suspects first. One, named Haidar, who wore a back brace, said that he had been mistakenly arrested for a car-bomb attack, in , and that in the course of an interrogation, to make the torture stop, he had started naming random people, including Louai.

Judge Sahar then called upon Louai, who rose from his chair and gripped the cage to support himself. I can barely walk! It was the only phrase she uttered in court that morning. Louai had spent four years in pretrial detention, and, during the two or three minutes allotted to his defense, the judges had been talking among themselves. A security officer opened the cage. It took Louai nearly two minutes to limp to the door.

Sahar took a lunch break, then ordered his execution. The Islamic State has been mostly destroyed on the battlefield, but the war is far from over. But, insofar as there is a strategy, it seems almost perfectly crafted to bring about the opposite of its intent. But ISIS has always derived much of its dangerous appeal from the corruption and cruelty of the Iraqi state. For three years, the Islamic State controlled half of Syria and a third of Iraq, a swath of territory approximately the size of Great Britain, which included millions of people.

The group blew up mosques and ancient archeological sites , and pursued a campaign of ethnic cleansing through mass murder and sexual slavery. It conscripted local bureaucrats, doctors, and teachers, often on pain of death, and devoted enormous effort to radicalizing a generation of children and inuring them to violence, suffering, and loss. At the height of its success, in , there was a real possibility that ISIS would capture Baghdad, and the Iraqi state would collapse.

Now, more than a year after ISIS lost Mosul —its largest source of legitimacy, wealth, and power—hundreds of thousands of civilians are suffering at the hands of their liberators. Anyone with a perceived connection to ISIS , however tenuous or unclear, is being killed or cast out of society. The Abdullah family fled Mosul during the battle, which was the most intense urban combat since the Second World War.

They returned to find their home destroyed. Not long ago, I met with a senior Iraqi intelligence official who is deeply involved in counterterrorism operations. For three hours, over tea and cigarettes, he described systematic criminality within the security forces, detailing patterns of battlefield executions, murders in detention centers, and coverups organized by the state.

He spoke as a witness, but also as a participant; although he is in a position to have stopped certain abuses, by intervening he would have risked incurring accusations that he is sympathetic to the group he has sought to destroy. But, according to the senior intelligence official, these cases represent only a small fraction of the total number of detainees. The conviction rate is around ninety-eight per cent.

Family members of the accused rarely show up to watch the hearings, out of fear that they will be detained, too. This is revenge on Sunnis. Nine years ago, two C. You literally killed their dads. Iraq is now entering one of the most delicate moments in its recent history. To the extent that ISIS functioned as a state, it was entirely predatory.

But, by having lost on the battlefield rather than being toppled by its own depravity, the caliphate lives on as a fantasy of Islamic justice and governance which is measured against the corrupt reality of the Iraqi state. What is at stake, in this post-conflict period, is whether the Iraqi government can win over the segment of the population for whom ISIS seemed a viable alternative. By late , they had amassed hundreds of followers from dozens of countries, and were running training camps near Aleppo.

During the next year, ISIS helped the rebels in key battles against the Syrian regime, but as the group became stronger its strategic focus shifted to the formation of a caliphate. In June, , a few hundred ISIS fighters stormed back east across the desert, in mud-caked pickup trucks, and captured the Iraqi city of Mosul, essentially by mistake.

But Mosul, with almost two million residents, was the economic center of northern Iraq. Within a week, some sixty thousand Iraqi soldiers and federal police officers, many of whom were reluctant to die in defense of a Sunni city, had shed their uniforms and run away. Some religious minorities, like Christians, could remain in the city, if they paid a religious tax, but Yazidis and Shiites faced enslavement or slaughter. Half a million civilians fled Mosul. The Islamic State found some support, owing to the abuses that Sunnis had suffered at the hands of the Iraqi government.

But most citizens were stuck feigning allegiance to survive, despite the certainty that any compromise with the group would eventually taint them if Mosul were freed. Some residents spent the next three years waiting out the situation—reading, smoking, counting the days until liberation. For others, interaction with the jihadis was not optional.

The Islamic State did not dismantle the Iraqi bureaucracy; it appropriated it, and expanded it. There were departments in charge of alms-giving, the distribution of war spoils, hospitals, and the maintenance and health of rivers. Some institutions operated with greater efficiency and less corruption than before. But, for many bureaucrats, continuing in their duties meant participating in a sectarian criminal enterprise.

The role of the estate authorities, for example, shifted from settling everyday land disputes to expropriating and redistributing Shiite property and homes. But soon Iraqi and U. In , he quit the civil defense and went into hiding. ISIS fighters set fire to his house and his car. The ground campaign to take back Mosul began in earnest in the fall of Shiite paramilitary groups, some of which had carried out thousands of attacks against American troops in the previous decade, had mobilized to prevent ISIS from capturing Baghdad, but it was another two years before the Iraqi government integrated them into the armed forces.

They are above the Army, the law, and the sovereignty of Iraq. The Kurds attacked Mosul from the north and the east. Iraqi security forces approached from the south. American special-operations forces went in, too—officially in a supporting role, but they nevertheless frequently ended up in combat. The U. Ten million tons of rubble remain. What followed was the most intense urban combat since the Second World War.

In the ensuing months, the jihadis murdered hundreds of people who tried to escape, and hung bodies from electrical pylons. By early , Mosul was half free. The city is bisected by the Tigris River.

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Dubai Summer Surprises, Dubai s annual citywide summer celebration, will return to the city from June 22 to August 4, , offering a six-week extravaganza of sales, retail experiences and events. Six-week sale Dubai Summer Surprises will kick off in style with six weeks of sales, giving customers per cent off throughout the six-week DSS period. Participating retail outlets at Majid Al Futtaim malls in Dubai will offer incredible discounts from per cent, giving shoppers a hour bargain bonanza. The sale will run from 12pm to 12am on June 22, featuring big discounts, exclusive offers and surprises. From fabulous fashion, bold beauty and luxury homewares, DOTD will give bargain-hunters the chance to snap up an incredible offer on an exclusive retail product at a specified shopping location each day. Those looking to get in on the action early can purchase a Dubai Pass now giving people up to 60 per cent discount on over 30 attractions across Dubai.

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By Ben Taub. Thousands of men and boys have been convicted of ISIS affiliation, and hundreds have been hanged. But these cases make up only a small fraction of the detainees. Thousands of families have been sent to camps in the desert, cast out from society. A September morning in Baghdad. Traffic halted at checkpoints and roadblocks as bureaucrats filed behind blast walls and the temperature climbed to a hundred and fifteen degrees.

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This is a short play festival depicting the highs and lows, reality and absurdity, tenderness and harshness of life -- time travel, relationship woes, coping with death, feminist revenge dodgeball and This is a short play festival depicting the highs and lows, reality and absurdity, tenderness and harshness of life -- time travel, relationship woes, coping with death, feminist revenge dodgeball and everything in between. Comedies and dramas, plays and monologues -- slices of all kinds of lives -- five minutes at a time. Twenty of the 32 short plays are performed each night -- eight are set, the next six are drawn by the audience and then the last six are voted on by you. It s a different lineup every night! The 60s Musical" pays tribute to a time on the charts when women The 60s Musical" pays tribute to a time on the charts when women artists were all the buzz. This retro revue is packed with timeless tunes like "My Boyfriend s Back," "One Fine Day" and "Respect," as well as authentic costumes and, of course, plenty of wigs, as it recreates that revolutionary era in popular music when songs like "Where the Boys Are," "Downtown" and "Proud Mary" blasted from jukeboxes and car radios. Based on the true story of Siamese twins Violet and Daisy Hilton who became stars during the Depression, "Side Show" is a moving portrait of two women joined at the hip, whose extraordinary bondage br Based on the true story of Siamese twins Violet and Daisy Hilton who became stars during the Depression, "Side Show" is a moving portrait of two women joined at the hip, whose extraordinary bondage brings them fame but denies them love. Told almost entirely in song, the show follows their progression from England to America, around the vaudeville circuit and to Hollywood on the eve of their appearance in the movie "Freaks". With the implementation of the twins relationship with Harry Houdini and a proposed separation surgery, the new book fleshes out characters and situations that endow the songs with even more sophistication and truth.

Never miss another great coupon. Save more than before with savings alerts and new offers delivered right to your inbox. Save effortlessly with paperless coupons! Link your store loyalty cards, add coupons, then shop and save. Shop online with coupon codes from top retailers. Get Sears coupons, Best Buy coupons, and enjoy great savings with a Nordstrom promo code. Find out more about how Coupons. Sign In.

By Megan Sheets For Dailymail. Nike has warned its stores to be on the lookout for fake coupons with Colin Kaepernick s face offering large discounts to people of color . The forged coupons surfaced a week after the athletic brand launched its 30th anniversary Just Do It campaign centered around Kaepernick, the former NFL quarterback who made waves during the season when he began kneeling during the national anthem to protest racial inequality. One of the coupons found on the web forum 4chan says: Some coupons reportedly included a QR code that when scanned read: One of the forgeries is pictured above. Some of the coupons are programmed with QR codes that flashed the threatening message above when scanned, according to reports. The company subsequently issued an alert about the coupons to all of its stores across the US. Several employees, who asked to remain anonymous because they are not permitted to speak on the issue, told USA they had not seen any customers try to use the coupons. Jack Gillis, executive director of the Consumer Federation of America, reacted to the scheme saying: Another way to put it is that this is a racial statement masquerading as a scam, he told USA. The forged coupons surfaced a week after the athletic brand launched its controversial 30th anniversary Just Do It campaign centered around former NFL quarterback Kaepernick. Several employees have said they haven t seen any customers attempt to use the fake coupons.

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